Welcome to Nuraldeen.com

Well – yet another blog enters the foray. So why we need a blog? Powerful social media tools like facebook is there – so is twitter and instagram. Facebook has done amazing things in Bangladesh – millions and millions of people – from all ages and all walks of life are using facebook to connect socially and politically and promote the ideology they believe in. And most social and political commentators have moved away from online public weblogs also known as blogs to facebook and resorted to express their opinion in the form of status updates. However despite all the amazing things facebook has done to online activism in Bangladesh – it may also have pushed online activism into small self congratulatory clusters of echo chambers. Some facebook activists of Bangladesh have become so intolerant to opposing views/ opinions – they have started purging persons with non-identical views from their list of friends/ followers. In addition, when an activist writes a status, this status remains visible only for a certain number of hours. Then these expressed opinions becomes untraceable.

In this backdrop, one cannot overemphasize the role of blogs as records/ testaments of the passing time. It is very important that online activists/ blogger remain accountable to history. A reader should be able search/ dig out what one specific blogger had to say about an event that took place 3 months or 10 years ago.

Yes facebook can help in opinion making – but in some cases facebook preaches to the choir. In this decade of online activism, bloggers or netizens in Bangladesh should use the blogs as pressure groups.Act as opinion makers and pressure groups to influence decisions / policies of mainstream political parties. We need Bangladesh version of Daily Kos, Huffington Post or Drudge Report. It is important Bangladesh has online institutes which will influence policy making the way Daily Kos influences major policy decision of the democratic party leadership or event the president. Shahbag movement might have been touted as a success story of online activism – but Shahbag also is a lesson learnt for us – let online activists remain online and let the street forces evolve in its own natural evolution for a cause. Shahbag also showed the exaggerated feeling of power that comes from remaining in an echo chamber. Let each street force and online force complement each other.

In the above back drop – we launch this new group blog site Nuraldeen.com The site is named after Nuraldeen. Nuraldeen was a peasant in northern part of east Bengal. While protesting the injustices committed by agents of British interest in east Bengal, Nuraldeen became one of our first nationalistic leaders. The life of Nuraldeen has been immortalized in bengali folk songs, scripts and he was brought back to our present day urban readers through Syed Haq’s blockbuster drama “নুরলদীনের সারা জীবন/ The life of Nuraldeen”.

Named after nuraldeen, this blog definitely will have a nationalistic pull. While there will be authors representing both center right and center left interpretations of Bangladeshi nationalism, this blog will strive to steer the helm in a centrist direction. While some veteran bloggers, well known online commentators will be blogging for Nuraldeen.com, the readers will see a significant number of new authors too.

As the political landscape of Bangladesh is warming up for either an unforeseen confrontation or a very interesting election – Nuraldeen.com will serve, simultaneously, as an alternative media, retrievable chronicle of national and political events, live commentary of unfolding of political dramas. In a nutshell, Nuraldeen.com will give the readers something that the mainstream or embedded online media will not be able to give – it will be the place to vent, learn and get hopeful about the future.

Welcome readers. Please check Nuraldeen.com daily.

Contributions are welcome from all. Our only requirement is civil language.

[A professionally design format for the blog is being prepared and will be launched within days]

5 thoughts on “Welcome to Nuraldeen.com

  1. দয়া করে, iTheme টা চেঞ্জ করুন, বাংলা অক্ষর ভেঙে যায়। দেখতেও বিচ্ছিরি।

  2. যা ঘুমিয়ে দেখি তা স্বপ্ন নয় বরং যা ঘুমাতে দেয় না তাই স্বপ্ন..

  3. Games India plays with neighbours

    The Milli Gazette
    Published Online: Jan 20, 2014
    Print Issue: 16-31 December 2011
    Book: The India Doctrine (1947-2007)
    Author: MBI Munshi
    Publisher: The Bookworm, ‘Twin Peaks’ Complex, Old Airport, Tejgaon, Dhaka Bangladesh. Tel: 9120387. Fax: 880-2-8828595. E-Mail – vietbhai@gmail.com
    Year: 2009
    Price: Tk. 1200/US$17 Free Online Edition can be downloaded


    Pages: 636

    A. K. Zaman

    It is almost two years since the first edition of “The India Doctrine” appeared on Bangladesh bookshelves to wide acclaim and appreciation. The newly revised edition now titled “The India Doctrine (1947-2007)” is an astonishing work of exceptional depth and analysis and is probably the first book of its kind not only in Bangladesh but also in South Asia as a whole. It is indeed a stupendous effort by Barrister MBI Munshi. While I had a few words of criticism for the original version of the book which appeared to me to be fragmentary and a little disjointed, this revised edition is an exceptional work and its various parts have been finely consolidated and is also far better written and organized. As the author reminds us, he spent almost two years to write this revised edition and it was certainly time well-spent as the language and style are now much easier to follow and effortless to comprehend.
    The Bangladesh Defence Journal (BDJ) has published this 636 page book at a price of Tk. 1200 or roughly $17. Of those pages one third consists of end notes and references which number in their thousands demonstrating the strong evidentiary grounds on which Barrister Munshi’s thesis is based. The book also contains a useful foreword by the editor of BDJ, Mr. Abu Rushd, who earlier wrote the ground-breaking ‘RAW in Bangladesh.’ Mr. Rushd in his foreword contrasts the original version of ‘The India Doctrine’ and the present edition stating that, “The first edition was a turning point in political and historical writing in Bangladesh. The second edition continues this trend with further elaboration of issues … covered in the earlier book but on very recent events such as the causes behind the cancellation of elections in 2007 and new material on the 1971 liberation war and India’s motivations in assisting [an] emergent Bangladesh.”
    Mr. Rushd further elaborates on the importance of the book in the context of South Asia’s geo-strategic realities, “The book is certainly a must read for those interested in South Asian affairs, geo-strategy, intelligence, and the political, diplomatic and economic influences of an increasingly important region of the world which contains almost a sixth of the world[‘s] population, two nuclear powers and several more in the near vicinity. The book will hopefully inspire others to explore the subject of Indian hegemony and expansionism and also allow policy-makers in the West to better comprehend the risks of permitting an unrestrained India to dominate the region.” The last remark seems particularly relevant in light of the Mumbai terror attacks in November 2008 and the increasingly hostile attitude taken by India towards its neighbour Pakistan who it accuses of having direct involvement in the incident although only a few weeks earlier a Col. Srikant Purohit had been apprehended for supplying explosives to Hindu fanatics to carry out similar outrages.
    Mr. Rushd concludes that the book should hopefully, “educate the policy-makers and military planners in Bangladesh about possible threats emanating from our neighbour and the consequences of New Delhi’s influence in our internal affairs as well as the principal cause of instability.” This is probably even more pertinent after the overwhelming victory of the Awami League (AL) party in the 2008 national elections. The AL has often aligned itself with the interests of New Delhi in both foreign and internal matters and this has aggravated tensions within the country. It would be wise for the AL leaders to take some lessons from this book and adopt a more cautious attitude to New Delhi since our own history shows that a two-thirds majority in parliament is no guarantee of longevity or permanence in power especially when deeply held views about our national interest are constantly and arrogantly offended.
    The obvious reason for publishing this new edition is that the original book had many gaps and overlooked many significant issues principally due to the time limitations placed on the author. Barrister Munshi states in his opening remarks in the preface that, “By all accounts the first edition of “The India Doctrine” was a book incomplete. While it covered the essentials of the periods 1947 and 1971 fairly well it managed to convey only a fraction of the notable events and incidents that were to take place during 2006 and which were to reach a climax in 2007. The years 2006-2007 had much less of the cruelty, violence and bloodshed associated with 1947 and 1971 but nevertheless represent a significant period of transition that witnessed a revival of great power politics in South Asia that was to significantly affect the terms of the India Doctrine.” This short period indeed witnessed immense and often tragic and horrendous events that will undoubtedly have lasting effects on the South Asian perspective and psyche.
    The author next deals quite comprehensively with the internal struggles within India and its new alliance with the United States built upon the tenuous foundations of the nuclear agreement passed amidst intense opposition, particularly in India. The author explores how this new strategic relationship affects the regional balance and includes reference to China and Russia and the wider geo-strategic imperatives of the United States and India. The author then surveys the influence of the India doctrine and Forward Policy on the South Asian neighbourhood and the internal conflicts this incited in many countries of the region (i. e., Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Pakistan and Bangladesh). The next few chapters on the liberation war and Indian propaganda have been completely redone and large segments rearranged to fit more logically the shape, context and logic of the book. New material and information is incorporated into chapters 4-8 and recent developments on the CHT insurgency and peace agreement is rendered in the last of these chapters.
    From a Bangladesh perspective, the most controversial sections of the book will probably be Chapters 9 and 10 that deal with India’s project to have Bangladesh declared a failed state. The chosen method to achieve this objective has been through propaganda with the labelling of Bangladesh as a ‘hotbed’ of Islamist terrorism. The media campaign orchestrated by India has been so successful that many voters in the 2008 elections actually believed this nonsense not realizing that such malicious canards were being propagated by Indian intelligence (i. e. RAW) via local media in Bangladesh. Another method favoured by India to have Bangladesh rendered a failed state is through economic sabotage and as Barrister Munshi explains, “For India to secure its political and military supremacy and control over the South Asian region it has become necessary for it to continuously maintain and protect her lead over other economies even by unfair means such as sabotage, fomenting and encouraging political instability in neighbouring countries and most obviously through propaganda.” However, it is interference in the political sphere that India has been most successful in undermining Bangladesh’s democratic institutions and Barrister Munshi traces the chaotic events surrounding the transfer of power to a caretaker government in 2006 to the release of Sheikh Hasina from custody in June 2008 with each event being heavily influenced by external actors and in particular India. Barrister Munshi provides a convincing argument and analysis on all the above issues and his contribution to the book stands as an extraordinary achievement that will set the standard for such works in Bangladesh and probably elsewhere in South Asia.
    The 557 pages written by Barrister Munshi will hopefully gain widespread readership in Bangladesh and behond since the issues raised in the book are incredibly important to the continued independence and integrity of the country against the hegemonic and domineering tendencies of India. The chapters written by the author will likely stand out as the most important to be written on South Asian affairs for the last 60 years at least. It presents a completely new perspective on South Asia rarely seen in writing from this region and hardly discussed in western literature on the subject. The final two chapters of the book are authored by two Pakistanis and this is a major development on the first edition which had no chapters on Pakistan and this is probably the only collaboration between writers of both countries on this type of subject matter. Chapter 11 of the book is titled ‘The Peace Charade’ and is written by Mr. Ahmed Quraishi who is a prominent media personality in Pakistan and his background as an investigative journalist, columnist, roving reporter and head of a private, independent think tank are all very impressive and raise his credentials as a highly respected and informed writer. According to Mr. Quraishi, India had by early 2008 been conducting a massive intelligence operation with Pakistan as its target. Afghanistan was being used by New Delhi as a springboard and the Islamists were the tools of this operation. Israel is said to have provided help and the US position as Pakistan’s ally is described as somewhat ambiguous. This brief summary sets the tone for a very interesting and well researched chapter with its premise based on the discovery of a document that reveals a conspiracy “to break the stranglehold of the intelligence agencies, the bureaucracy and the military in Pakistan” as these are believed by India to be responsible for keeping the Kashmir issue alive. Chapter 12 of the book is written by Dr. Prevaiz Iqbal Cheema who has an outstanding academic career. He obtained a MLitt in Strategic Studies from Aberdeen University and a PhD from Quaid-i-Azam University in Pakistan. He has been a teacher for almost 28 years with posts held in Pakistan, Australia, Singapore and the United States. His excellent and lucidly argued chapter discusses the Kashmir dispute and Pakistan-India relations. His chapter initially discusses the origin and nature of the Kashmir dispute highlighting the policies of both India and Pakistan followed by a discussion on the internationalization of the dispute. Finally the paper focuses on the new developments that have impacted upon the dispute and the current status of Indo-Pak relations. Dr. Cheema concludes his survey of the issues by commenting that, “Without the resolution of [the] Kashmir dispute, not only India and Pakistan would never enjoy proper fruits of peace and cooperation but South Asia would also be deprived of much desired peaceful environment.” It is, therefore, unfortunate that India has not shown the requisite sincerity in negotiations for this sensible and desired outcome for regional peace and security. Overall, this book, “The India Doctrine (1947-2007)”, is an extraordinary and astounding effort requiring not only immense dedication but also a significant amount of courage, boldness and resolution. Writing in the hostile and threatening atmosphere created by India in Bangladesh and Pakistan the writers have shown admirable willpower and fortitude. The book not only deserves success but also our respect.


  4. ঈতিহাস বড়ই নির্মম. যে ক্ষমতায় থাকে নিজের মতো লিখে. ইংরেজরা নবাব সিরাজ উদ্দৌলার বিরুদ্ধে অন্ধকুপ হত্যার গল্প ফেঁদে ছিল.

    ইংরেজ আমলে বাংলা ছিল দুই বাংলাতে. খোদ পশ্চিম বংগের লোকেরা বর্তমান বাংলাদেশের মানুষদের পূর্ব বংগের বাংগাল বলতো. উনিশ শো পাঁচ সালে সেই পূর্ব বংগ ও আসাম মিলে আলাদা প্রদেশ হলে তাদের আন্দোলনের মুখে তা রদ হয়় আবার এই পশ্চিম বাংলার নিজেদের এলিট ভাবা বাংগালীরা কিন্তুু সাত চল্লিশে হাসি মুখে বাংলা মাতাকে বিসর্জন দিয়ে ইন্ডিয়ায় লীন হয়.

    আজকের বাংলাদেশ বরবরই স্বাধীনচেতা অজেয়. আমরা বাংলাদেশী যারা শুধু বাংগালী নয় এদের মাঝে গারো. হাজং, পার্বত্যবাসী সহ সবাই রয়েছে. যারা বাংগালী বলতে চায় তাদের বলতে হবে বাংলাদেশী বাংগালী কারন পশ্চিম বংগের বাংগালীরা ইন্ডিয়ান বাংগালী.

    স্বাধীণতা যুদ্ধের ইতিহাস বাংলাদেশী জাতীয়তাবাদী ও বাংগালী জাতীয়তাবাদীরা নিজের মতো করে লিখেছে. তাই মেজর রফিক, এম আখতার মুকুল. অলি আহমেদ, মওদুদ এক একভাবে লিখেছেন.

    এ ক্ষেত্রে আমার কাছে অনেক বেশী গ্রহনযোগ্য এ্যান্থণী মার্কাহারন্সের লেখা দ্যা রেইপ অফ বাংলাদেশ ও বাংলাদেশ, এ লিগ্যাছি অফ ব্লাড়.

    নিরেপেক্ষ বিবেচনায় শহীদ জিয়া স্বাধীণতাকামী বীর সেনানী,মুক্তিযুদ্ধের অন্যতম সেনা নায়ক ও স্বাধীনতার ঘোষক.

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